Book Review of In Labor's Cause Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Book Review of In Labors Cause - Essay ExampleIn his book In Labors Law Brodys use of comparative analysis and his careful delineation of the unenviable choices face up pee-peeers are an important contribution to the rekindled debate over American exceptionalism. The opening two essays (Time and Work during American Industrialism and The Course of American Politics) demonstrate the strengths of the collection well. From the demands of Philadelphia carpenters in 1791 for the ten hour day They will work from six to six-how absurd, so remarked the Federal Gazette, for the workers first collective demand for the ten hour day, 6 a.m. to 6 p.m. with two hours off for breakfast and dinner for which there is a record in American history, to the precipitous decline of the UMWA in the 1970s, Brody applies his wit and intelligence to the peculiarities of American labor developments.These extended essays discuss primaeval questions in the field of labor rights from the colonial period to the present. A pioneer in the evolution of the current labor history David Brody has remained loyal to the traditional consents of labor scholarship-the trade union as an institution, the worker-employer relationship, the role of the state- date displaying a keen sensitivity to the broad historical and cultural context in which these developments occurred. In the ternary and forth essay Brody discusses slightly shaping the labor movement and the market unionism in America. Brody writes about the U.S. Communist party and their vital role played in organizing workers at a variety of such large firms as General Electric, Allis-Chalmers, and Ford and in the subways of New York City and on the docks of the Pacific Coast. closely Reds stuck to the hard business of building unions for representing workers rights, and in this process, distinguished themselves as advocates of racial and gender equality in a movement that had historically known neither. The influence of Communists in unions became a flagrant liability only(prenominal) with the onset of the Cold War, and it bred mistrust among rank-and-filers during World War II when Communist party labor officials became the about stalwart enforcers of the no-strike pledge. That certainly did not mean that labor leaders ought to have endorsed and abetted nearly every newspaper column of U.S. policy during the Cold War. Workers were far better off in the capitalist welfare states of Western atomic number 63 than in the Socialist beggar regimes of the Soviet block, and U.S. labor officials played a small but effective part in ensuring that the former did not succumb to the latter. But the labor hierarchy under George meany and his disciples spent far too much time and prestige on even the more defensible aspects of their foreign policy while labors strength at home slowly eroded. And their covert actions in the trey World all but destroyed the idealistic, democratic reputation American unionism had build up both abroad and at home during its glory days of the 1930s and 1940s. One result was that some liberal or radical activists in the swelling movements of the 1960s took seriously organized labors claims that it was an agent of loving change. For the first time in history